Twenty-two Republican-leaning states have urged the Supreme Court to block beneficiaries of federal safety net programs from suing. If the court agrees participants in many federal entitlement programs could lose the right to go to court when they believe a state, city or county has violated their rights in the administration of those programs.
Research shows that mass shootings lead to higher rates of depression and anxiety and higher risks for suicide among young people. They also lead to an overall decline in a community’s sense of well-being. Some studies suggest that mass shootings damage economic prospects in a community, diminishing productivity and earnings.
The case involves a woman whose water broke early in her pregnancy, but the hospital refused to let doctors perform an abortion. She eventually sought medical help outside the state.
Among workers’ potential concerns are the stigma of abortion and worries that private medical information could intentionally or unintentionally leak to state authorities. Unlike health care providers and insurers,most private companies aren’t set up to handle sensitive medical information.
Overall, 34% of pregnant women surveyed would definitely or probably consider doing something on their own to end their pregnancy if they couldn’t get an abortion in a clinic.
As a medical procedure, abortion was widespread in Colonial and 18th-century America. By using more or less safe techniques, midwives and medical practitioners performed many types of operations on their patients. The woman could easily die, of course; but when she sought an abortion, no social, legal or religious force would have blocked her.
The ruling signals a massive change in how we read the Constitution, from a living reading to an original reading. The court has firmly rejected the theory of the living Constitution, which argues that the meaning of the document’s language changes as the beliefs and values of Americans change.
Tthree medical experts to answer your questions about medication abortions.
Using a maps app to plan a route, sending terms to a search engine and chatting online are ways that people actively share their personal data. But mobile devices share far more data than just what their users say or type. They share information with the network about whom people contacted, when they did so, how long the communication lasted and what type of device was used.
GOP officials in at least eight states—Arkansas, Florida, Idaho, Indiana, Montana, Nebraska, South Carolina and South Dakota—have called for special legislative sessions to consider new abortion restrictions.
If the Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, women in some states could be prosecuted for seeking or obtaining an abortion. Could data from your smartphone app be used to prosecute you? The short answer: Yes.
From the nation’s founding through the early 1800s, pre-quickening abortions – that is, abortions before a pregnant person feels fetal movement – were fairly common and even advertised.
If the Supreme Court’s conservative majority affirms the leaked decision overturning abortion rights in the U.S., the effects would be sweeping for 40 million women in more than two dozen states where Republican-led legislatures have been eagerly awaiting the repudiation of the right to terminate a pregnancy.
Washington state’s mandate, issued last month by Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee, covers more than 800,000 workers. And unlike the economy-wide mandate announced by Biden last week, it doesn’t allow employees to submit to weekly testing instead of getting a vaccine.
The program is among at least 450 existing medical-legal partnerships across the nation that typically serve impoverished people and migrants